The 83-day specimen is supposed to hold Capacity fixed and show Coupling and Salience moving.
Before: Coupling ≈ 0 because a politician's re-election did not depend on security policy. After: Coupling = maximum because opposing NATO meant career destruction — voters made security the question. That is an electoral-weighting fact.
The Salience slot is already "does the threat register" and "can they see the connection between their choices and the consequence." On this specimen the two factors are one attention fact, written twice. Capacity is stipulated. The proof identifies a salience spike.
Coupling is whether the career actually hinges. After February 24, voters made security the question, so it did. Salience is missiles on television — whether the threat is felt. Those can co-move without being the same slot.
The fiscal example in §II is the split the specimen is using: a career may objectively depend on a 15-year bankruptcy while next week's poll is what the person feels. NATO is the inverse move of both terms, not a recode of one.
Then the fiscal split is hypothetical, and NATO is the measured case.
A Finnish MP's career already hinged on voters on February 23. What changed is which issue those voters weighted. That is salience of an already-present electoral coupling, scored as Coupling going from 0 to max. "Career destruction" is not a new structural dependence of the office on territorial survival. It is the poll, now about missiles.
Freeze the option set and the electoral hinge.
What would count as Coupling moving: a new structural dependence that would have bound the same MP if voters had stayed on healthcare — territorial survival of the office, not of the poll. What would count as theatre: the same career-hinge, now labelled Coupling because the issue became vivid.
If you cannot name that split, the 83-day proof identifies a salience spike, not an independent coupling change.